OUGD401//THEORY INTO PRACTICE//POLITICAL MANIFESTO RESEARCH

I need to find something about Manifestos that gives my publication more theory behind it, I started to look at the history of manifestos and frequently came across the Communist Manifesto and Karl Marx's theories.  This definitely gives my idea some more context:

The Communist Manifesto (Das Kommunistische Manifest), originally titled Manifesto of the Communist Party (German: Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei) is a short 1848 publication written by the German Marxist political theorists Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. It has since been recognized as one of the world's most influential political manuscripts. Commissioned by the Communist League, it laid out the League's purposes and program. It presents an analytical approach to the class struggle (historical and present) and the problems of capitalism, rather than a prediction of communism's potential future forms.

The book contains Marx and Engels' Marxist theories about the nature of society and politics, that in their own words, "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles". It also briefly features their ideas for how the capitalist society of the time would eventually be replaced by socialism, and then eventually communism.

Textual history

The Communist Manifesto was first published (in German) in London by a group of German political refugees in 1848. It was also serialised at around the same time in a German-language London newspaper, the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung. 

PARTS OF THE MANIFESTO:

I. Bourgeois and Proletarians

The first chapter of the Manifesto, "Bourgeois and Proletarians", examines the Marxist conception of history, with the initial idea asserting that "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles". It goes on to say that in capitalism, the working class, proletariat, are fighting in the class struggle against the owners of the means of production, the bourgeois, and that past class struggle ended either with revolution that restructured society, or "common ruin of the contending classes".

It continues by adding that the bourgeois exploits the proletariat through the "constant revolutionising of production [and] uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions".

The Manifesto explains that the reason the bourgeois exist and exploit the proletariat with low wages is private property, "the accumulation of wealth in private hands, the formation and increase of capital", and that competition amongst the proletariat creates wage-labour, which rests entirely on the competition among the workers.

This section further explains that the proletarians will eventually rise to power through class struggle: the bourgeoisie constantly exploits the proletariat for its manual labour and cheap wages, ultimately to create profit for the bourgeois; the proletariat rise to power through revolution against the bourgeoisie such as riots or creation of unions. The Communist Manifesto states that while there is still class struggle amongst society, capitalism will be overthrown by the proletariat only to start again in the near future; ultimately communism is the key to class equality amongst the citizens of Europe

II. Proletarians and Communists

The second section, "Proletarians and Communists", starts by stating the relationship of conscious communists to the rest of the working class, declaring that they will not form a separate party that opposes other working-class parties, will express the interests and general will of the proletariat as a whole, and will distinguish themselves from other working-class parties by always expressing the common interest of the entire proletariat independently of all nationalities and representing the interests of the movement as a whole.

The section goes on to defend communism from various objections, such as the claim that communists advocate "free love", and the claim that people will not perform labor in a communist society because they have no incentive to work. The section ends by outlining a set of short-term demands:

1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes.
2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
3. Abolition of all right of inheritance.
4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
5. Centralisation of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
6. Centralisation of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State.
7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.
8. Equal liability of all to labour. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.
9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equitable distribution of the population over the country.
10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children's factory labourin its present form and combination of education with industrial production.

The implementation of these policies would, as believed by Marx and Engels, be a precursor to the stateless and classless society. In a controversial passage they suggested that the "proletariat" might in competition with the bourgeoisie be compelled to organise as a class, form a revolution, make itself a ruling class, sweep away the old conditions of production, and in that step have abolished its own supremacy as a class. This account of the transition from socialism to communism was criticised particularly during and after the Soviet era.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Communist_Manifesto

The Communist Manifesto reflects an attempt to explain the goals of Communism, as well as the theory underlying this movement. It argues that class struggles, or the exploitation of one class by another, are the motivating force behind all historical developments. Class relationships are defined by an era's means of production. However, eventually these relationships cease to be compatible with the developing forces of production. At this point, a revolution occurs and a new class emerges as the ruling one. This process represents the "march of history" as driven by larger economic forces.

Modern Industrial society in specific is characterized by class conflict between the bourgeoisie and proletariat. However, the productive forces of capitalism are quickly ceasing to be compatible with this exploitative relationship. Thus, the proletariat will lead a revolution. However, this revolution will be of a different character than all previous ones: previous revolutions simply reallocated property in favor of the new ruling class. However, by the nature of their class, the members of the proletariat have no way of appropriating property. Therefore, when they obtain control they will have to destroy all ownership of private property, and classes themselves will disappear.The Manifesto argues that this development is inevitable, and that capitalism is inherently unstable. The Communists intend to promote this revolution, and will promote the parties and associations that are moving history towards its natural conclusion. They argue that the elimination of social classes cannot come about through reforms or changes in government. Rather, a revolution will be required.

The Communist Manifesto has four sections. In the first section, it discusses the Communists' theory of history and the relationship between proletarians and bourgeoisie. The second section explains the relationship between the Communists and the proletarians. The third section addresses the flaws in other, previous socialist literature. The final section discusses the relationship between the Communists and other parties.

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I started looking into political manifestos and then decided to look at the contrast between one from years ago and a very current one, Ken Livingstones Mayor of London manifesto:

Better off with Labour
At a time when people are being squeezed by higher fares, rents, and heating bills, Londoners need a Mayor who is in touch and understand the pressures that they face every day.They need a Mayor who will make them better off.

The first items on my agenda every day as Mayor will be to reduce the cost of living for ordinary Londoners, and make our streets safer. My manifesto sets out how Labour will:

• Cut fares – saving the average fare-payer £1,000 over four years off their bus, Tube, DLR, Overground and tram fares
  
• Crack down on crime by reversing the Tory Mayor’s police cuts
  
• Help reduce rents with a London non- profit lettings agency
  
• Cut heating bills – cutting out the rip- off energy utilities to offer Londoners up to £120 off their energy bills, plus free home insulation for those in fuel poverty, including pensioners
  
• Establish a London-wide Education Maintenance Allowance of up to £30 a week to help young people stay in education
  
• Support childcare with grants and interest-free loans
  

I have also promised to freeze both
the Mayor’s share of Council Tax
and the Congestion Charge for four years. And we will invest in improving transport services, build new homes, and cut pollution to make London more sustainable.
TheTorieshavecopiedmycampaign slogan, ‘Better Off With Ken’, with their ‘Better OffWith Boris’.That would suggest we both agree that the key election issue is whether a Labour or a Tory Mayor will make Londoners better off.
In reality, the Tories want to talk about anything else because they know that while Boris Johnson is out of touch, putting up fares and cutting police,
a Labour Mayor really would make Londoners better off.
You can find out how much better off you will be with a Labour Mayor by using the ‘Better Off With Ken’ calculator on my website: betteroffcalculator.com

Manifesto for London 2012
http://www.kenlivingstone.com/uploads/fb361fbe-23d1-34a4-1124-92aba8618be5.pdf